Connect to share and comment
Mysterious shipment of arms scuttles friendships with Gambia and Senegal.
BANJUL, Gambia — Beyond the sleepy, Connecticut-sized nation he governs, Gambian President Sheikh Alhaji Yahya Abdul Azziz Jemus Junkung Jammeh is internationally known as something between a walking human rights concern — he once swore to “cut off the head” of every gay Gambian — and a farce: He markets a banana leaf-based “Presidential Cure for AIDS,” and boasts a litany of dubious honorifics, including his “Award of Admiral in the Navy of the Great [landlocked] State of Nebraska.”
But for the Islamic Republic of Iran — a geopolitically isolated administration that needs friends wherever it can find them — Jammeh represented a $2 billion investment in diplomatic aid since Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad took office in 2005.
In retrospect, it was never a sure investment.
While the United Nations imposes a fourth round of sanctions against the Tehran government, Ahmadinejad’s foreign affairs ministry has been wooing Africa’s dictators, democrats and diplomats alike in a full-scale charm offensive that was going well — until a bizarre shipment washed ashore in Lagos, Nigeria.
From Africa, Iran seeks uncompetitive markets for its industrial goods and unmonitored ports for its shipping lanes, analysts say. From Africa’s leaders, Iran hopes to engender south-south solidarity whenever the next referendum on the country’s nuclear program preoccupies the United Nations General Assembly.
Iran’s Africa courtship for Africa's unclaimed U.N. votes and uncompetitive markets was blossoming into a full-blown romance — until Nigerian police caught the country smuggling guns through the continent’s ports.
For a while the Iranians made headway in Africa. Until that 13-container cargo of Iranian guns wound up at Nigeria’s customs desk, sparking an African backlash to Ahmadinejad’s maneuvers.
“The head of state [Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade] has affirmed his support for Iran in its struggle to fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons,” trumpeted a Senegalese government memo in November 2009, after Wade returned from his fourth visit to Tehran.
The Senegalese president’s unlikely endorsement for Iran’s nuclear program — which echoed Ahmadinejad’s argument that America, not Iran, is the world’s chief nuclear proliferator — joined the endorsements of Eritrea’s President Isaias Afewerki and Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, who called Iran’s nuclear ambitions “a just cause.”
But while President Barack Obama’s administration grants tightly-regulated aid, Ahmadinejad’s has been funding car factories and oil refineries on the continent, sharing African ports, financing Shi’a universities, and hosting regular summits to fete Africa’s top dignitaries in Tehran.
“Iran is replicating what the Soviet Union did in Africa, and that is trying to create its own political and economic bloc against the West,” Tel Aviv-based Middle East analyst Meir Javendanfar said. “They’re trying to be a player, and Africa is a big part of their plan.”
But those are just the parts of the plan it publicizes.
On Halloween, when Nigerian customs agents pried open one of the containers passing through Lagos port, they found an armory of rocket launchers, grenades, mortars, heavy explosives and guns — thousands of guns — all headed to a Gambian plantation owned by none other than President Jammeh.