
A protest in Lapovo, Serbia, June 23, 2009. About 100 workers blocked the transportation of goods and people along the country's main railway line in a protest over unpaid salaries. (Marko Djurica/Reuters)
Why we're (still) screwed
Political science warned of coming violence, unrest and other trouble. Political science was right.
BOSTON — I wrote a rather nerdy column in February about the Davies J-Curve, the political science theory put forth by James C. Davies in the 1950s.
Davies' idea was simple but powerful: Political unrest occurs when a people's rising expectations — about how much money they can make, what they can buy, whether they have enough food or medicine — are suddenly dashed by, let's say, a global economic crisis that follows the longest expansion in decades.
Here's how professor Davies put it, in that special language of academia:
"Revolutions are most likely to occur when a prolonged period of objective economic and social development is followed by a short period of sharp reversal. People then subjectively fear that ground gained with great effort will be quite lost; their mood becomes revolutionary."
Since those dark days of winter, the global meltdown — while moving out of the panic stages — has shown very few signs of recovery. Meanwhile political violence and turmoil has blossomed in nearly every corner of the world. In many places, the mood has become quite revolutionary.
First, the economics:
The U.S. unemployment rate — the key figure underlying confidence in the world's largest economy — is at a 26-year high of 9.5 percent, and President Barack Obama this week warned it's still rising. Larry Summers, the director of the president's National Economic Council, was even gloomier, telling the Financial Times: “I don’t think the worst is over. It would not be surprising if GDP has not yet reached its low."
As for the global economy, World Bank President Robert Zoellick has warned 2009 remains a "dangerous year." Recent gains could be reversed easily, Zoellick said, and the pace of recovery in 2010 is "far from certain."
So much for economic cheer. As for the unrest part, it's been even worse. Here's a quick rundown of some of the trouble we've been following at GlobalPost the past few days, weeks and months. And this list of woes is by no means complete:
- China this month suffered its worst political violence since the Tiananmen Square crackdown, as tensions between Muslim Uighurs and ethnic Han Chinese exploded in the northwestern province of Xinjiang, killing nearly 200 people. A reported 1,400 people have been arrested in China, and Al Qaeda is now threatening to target Chinese working in North Africa and the Middle East in retaliation for the deaths of 46 Uighurs. At the heart of these escalating ethnic and religious tensions? A battle over money and resources.
- The bloody uprising in Iran has been about a lot of things — the limits of political expression, underlying tension between conservative and more liberal values, the role of Shia Islam in Iran's political process, charges of official corruption, the legitimacy of a ruling political elite in the face of changing demographics, and plenty more. But economic insecurity has played perhaps the biggest role. A faltering economy was the key issue in the June 12 election, with Iran's unemployment rate estimated to be above 20 percent and inflation hovering near 25 percent. Declining oil prices, too, are hurting the government's budget. The International Monetary Fund says Tehran needs oil prices of $90 to stay in the black; light sweet crude this week fell below $60 a barrel. This economic unease became clear during the uprising when street protesters openly mocked President Mahmoud Amadinejad's (mis)handling of Iran's economy.
- On June 28, Honduran soldiers stormed the bedroom of President Manuel Zelaya and — at gunpoint, with Zalaya still in his pajamas — forced him to flee to Costa Rica. While the coup was largely a power play over constitutional reform, Honduras is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. Many of its 8 million citizens, particularly the Zelaya supporters who subsist on shrinking banana, coffee, apparel and other low-value exports, are growing increasingly restless.
- On June 4, in the remote Amazon region of Peru, violence erupted in the worst civil unrest the country has witnessed since the days of the Shining Path guerilla movement in the early 1990s. The source of the trouble, in which 23 people were killed? The development of oil and gas resources where the indigenous population claims an ancestral right to land, and to the riches buried beneath it.
- On March 4 the president of Guinea-Bissau was assassinated, the culmination of four months of political violence and upheaval in the tiny west African nation. According to the CIA Factbook, Guinea-Bissau is one of the five poorest countries in the world, an economic plight that has helped fuel almost constant unrest since the nation won independence from Portugal in 1974.
- No discussion of recent unrest would be complete without noting the ongoing piracy debacle in the Gulf of Aden, a stretch of troubled waters hemmed in by the two failed states of Somalia and Yemen.
But political and economic turmoil is also seeping into the world's most developed, and presumably more stable, economies.
The point of this article that the global economy continues to get worse. There is no light at the end of the tunnel. Everyone is afraid of losing their job and good number probably will.
We are in the very maelstrom of a historical moment. Wherever you care to turn your gaze you can see the ripples of citizen Power and oversight. Twitter and Facebook are like the Nets that allowed the Lilliputians to capture gulliver. The dynamic between the Rulers and the Ruled is being altered for ever.
Then layer onto this an absolute economic crunch, which has been magnified the further you go from the centre. On the fringes, there are no safety nets. The state is in a new landscape and a street surge away from oblivion. Its just unbelievable.
There is a tide of History and its practically a Tsunami wave. The threshold of State violence whilst terrible in iran is also a lot lower now.
Aly-Khan Satchu
www.rich.co.ke
Twitter alykhansatchu
The link between violence and economics may seem obvious, but is in fact untenable.
I once looked at two case studies: that of Sri Lanka when it descended into war, and that of India during the anti-Sikh uprising. There was no economic connection. The latter (and Stanley J. Tambiah's analysis dovetails with mine) was entirely the work of India's ruling party, the Congress. The former was a reaction by the ruling party to the killing of a few soldiers - by the alienated minority. (The J-curve thesis would assume that violence in Sri Lanka has stopped recently because economic facts are looking up!}
My father used to tell me how, in 1943, starving people would come to the door begging, not for rice, but the rice-water that is thrown away. Three million people quietly, unobtrusively, died through hunger. There was no violence, no protest. And yet the land was overflowing with rice - hoarded rice. There was no threat to the ruling regime, the Raj.
The Iraq wars were surely not due to the J-curve! Nor was the war in Vietnam, whose author, Robert McNamara, recently died quite peacefully.
The first world war is a total disproof of the J-curve thesis: every developed nation was doing very well, and war was unimaginable. The flame in the petrol was not economics, but nationalism: ideas have been responsible for more violence since the French Revolution than economics.
C.A.Bailey has observed, “It is not at all clear that resistance, let alone violence, is a defining characteristic of the poor or exploited. This may be an unfortunate fact, but it is not one that historians can ignore”.
Americans should be revolting against the cabal of politicians and financiers, and up-ending the system that let them down - but there isn't even a whisper of protest.
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