Tehranis riot, claiming flawed poll result

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TEHRAN, Iran — As advisors to Mir-Hossein Mousavi met Saturday morning in the candidate’s headquarters in central Tehran to consider their next move, a group of police gathered one block away carried out an evidently pre-meditated plan to restore and maintain order in the capital city.

Even before final vote tallies had been announced, a group of officers began white-washing walls bearing Mousavi posters and street art, while other police in riot gear eyed pedestrians warily.

While the authorities were sending such mixed signals — combining calls by the country’s Supreme Leader to peacefully accept the official results and move on with bald-faced reminders that authorities would not hesitate to use force to maintain order — many of the voters who felt defrauded by the final tally took to the streets with a single-minded vengeance.

In the wake of a presidential election that officially certified Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as a landslide winner, but that many Iranians — including Mousavi, Ahmadinejad’s main challenger — disputed, thousands of protesters clashed violently with police, as the joyful energy of the Mousavi campaign’s “Green revolution” boiled over into wrath in many sections of the city.

(Iason Athanasiadis reports that a level of rioting unseen since the 1979 revolution continued into the night.)

The rioters seemed to have the support of Mousavi himself, who, in a statement published on his website earlier in the day, angrily denounced election fraud and refused to recognize the results, declaring himself the winner.

Chanting “Death to the Dictator,” young Mousavi supporters scattered throughout the city threw stones at officers and set fire to any large objects they could get their hands on — dumpsters, tires, a city bus and four police motorcycles wrestled away from the authorities. Though authorities were clearly ready for unrest, they seemed unprepared for the breadth of depth of commotion.

Still, police were generally unsparing in their reactions to protesters of all stripes, wherever they cropped up in the city. Police attacked in swarms, often mounted on motorcycles, sometimes clad in plain clothes. They aimed their batons against the arms, legs and heads of young people who had aroused their attention. It was the rock-throwing protesters, attacking from rooftops and in small easily-scattered groups, that had most success eluding the police.

Tear gas was unleashed on much of Vali Asr, Tehran’s main thoroughfare, which runs past two of the hotspots for protest: Mousavi’s central campaign office and the national Interior Ministry which was responsible for organizing the vote.

Early on the evening of voting, the Interior Ministry declared the incumbent was headed for a landslide re-election, contradicting Mousavi’s internal polling. Even Ahmadinejad supporters were expecting a closer race than the 65 percent to 32 percent drubbing that Ahmadinejad allegedly handed his challenger. Even the Ahmadinejad campaign itself is said to be surprised at the extent of his victory.

In a late night press conference on Friday, Mousavi detailed accusations of electoral fraud, including a litany of voters turned away from polling stations and insufficient ballots in many areas of the country. Many election observers were also surprised by the extremely low rates of support for the other two candidates in the race. Mehdi Karroubi, a prominent reformist cleric with a popular shadow cabinet, had earned 5 million votes in the presidential election four years ago; This year, the Interior Ministry reported, he garnered around 300,000, or less than 1 percent.

Others were dubious that the ministry had allegedly overseen the counting of 8 million paper ballots in the first hour after polls closed.

Many of the voters who contributed to the record 84 percent election turnout felt that they had been taken advantage of.

“The government was glad for our enthusiasm for the election when they could take advantage of it,” said Mahnaz, a demonstrator. “But they don’t want to hear our complaints. That’s not real freedom.”

“I give up on the system,” said Alireza, a journalist. “I feel like a total sucker.”

Others were dejected at the prospect of imagining the next four years. “This is a new chapter in the Islamic Republic,” said an employee of the Mousavi campaign. “Ahmadinejad’s team was too hardline for the normal conservatives. Now he’s a permanent part of the scene.”

Many of the demonstrators were wondering where Mousavi was while they were out on the streets. “He should come out and support us, protect us,” shouted one woman in front of the Mousavi campaign office.

In reality, Mousavi’s options are probably very limited. Police and paramilitary authorities are said to have already prevented him from appearing at a press conference. He is likely planning his next move together with Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former president and major governmental power player, with whom Ahmadinejad fiercely locked horns over the course of the campaign.

But, with the Supreme Leader having already certified the vote and strongly encouraged competitors to support Ahmadinejad, few expect that Mousavi won’t soon fall in line. Sooner or later, most expect the demonstrators to do likewise.

More coverage of the Iranian election:

'New' dawn breaks over Iran

Iran's elections: The view from the highway

Young, Iranian and ready for change

Seven visas: Reporting from Iran

 

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