
A Vietnamese construction worker carries some tools as he walks near to where the Ho Chi Minh Trail crosses the Rinh River near the village of Thanh Liem in Quang Binh Province Nov. 25, 2000. The Ho Chi Minh Trail was the route used by the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong to send supplies to their forces in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. (Lou Dematteis/Reuters)
Lessons of Vietnam
A former North Vietnamese Army officer explains how the US is making the same mistake in Afghanistan that it made in Vietnam.
HO CHI MINH CITY — The U.S. Army would very much liked to have killed Nguyen Huu Nguyen in 1968.
In the aftermath of the Tet Offensive, Nguyen was an officer in a North Vietnamese Army (NVA) unit stationed in the Mekong Delta town of My Tho. At the time, U.S. and South Vietnamese troops were sweeping through the countryside trying to recover from the devastating surprise offensive, and they were employing counterinsurgency tactics much like those NATO is using today in Afghanistan. (Click here to read the second part of this series, about the pitfalls of pacification.)
It should not have been hard to find Nguyen’s unit, which was stationed on a riverbank right next to a South Vietnamese Army (ARVN) camp. But the ARVN and NVA units — which were on opposite sides of the war — had a tacit agreement not to attack each other's home bases.
Both would venture out on operations against other units, then return to their camps and leave each other alone.
“One night some of our soldiers caught a lot of fish,” recalled Nguyen, who is now a retired army colonel and a respected military historian. “We started singing, and got a little noisy. So the Saigon soldiers tossed a grenade at a safe distance, at the edge of our camp, to remind us to keep it down.”
If senior commanders were made too aware of the NVA presence, and it worked up the chain to U.S. commanders, Nguyen explains, the ARVN troops would be obliged to attack them.
The story encapsulates the fluid loyalties and territorial ambiguity that plagued U.S. attempts to control South Vietnam. It also reveals the contours of a counterinsurgency terrain that bears some similarities to the struggles the U.S. now faces as it prepares to increase troop levels in Afghanistan.
In Vietnam, American officers trained to fight conventional armies could not adjust to a war where villages welcomed government troops by day and Viet Cong guerrillas by night, where the ARVN troops they fought alongside were not necessarily loyal to their own government, and where the real battlefield lay in the hearts and minds of the people they were supposedly there to defend.
Five years after the Tet Offensive, the last U.S. forces left Vietnam, and two years after that, Nguyen Huu Nguyen swept into Saigon with the victorious North Vietnamese Army.
Today Nguyen, who retired from the army in 1979, has an encyclopedic knowledge of the history of American and South Vietnamese counterinsurgency strategies during the Vietnam War. And he has a very clear point of view on the lessons the American military should take from Vietnam as it embarks on a new strategy in Afghanistan: The U.S. will fail in Afghanistan for many of the reasons it failed here.
With a “surge” of 17,000 additional U.S. troops underway in Afghanistan, the Pentagon is making hard choices about how to go about building an Afghan government that has popular legitimacy and can defend itself against Taliban guerrillas.
Numerous analysts have referred to the resemblances between the conflict in Afghanistan and the Vietnam War. Nguyen Huu Nguyen’s take on Afghanistan is in many ways similar to those of westerners skeptical of further U.S. investments in counterinsurgency campaigns. But he is one of the few looking at U.S. efforts in Afghanistan who has, himself, helped defeat earlier American counterinsurgency efforts.
“Just adding another 17,000 troops in Afghanistan will not accomplish anything,” Nguyen said, sitting at a cafe on the Saigon River, not far from the bridge where ARVN forces made a doomed last stand against the NVA in 1975.
The success of counterinsurgency, Nguyen explained, rests on separating the guerrillas from the population they depend on. He rattled off a list of the many tactics the U.S. employed in Vietnam to accomplish that goal: the Diem regime’s savage anti-communist purges in 1959 and 1960, the “strategic hamlets” approach of 1962 and 1963, the CORDS and CAP programs of the mid- and late 1960s. All of them were ultimately unsuccessful.
In Afghanistan — with its vast expanses of land, its 40,000 villages and vicious terrain — the task will be harder than it was in Vietnam. At the same time — just as the U.S. could not crush the Viet Cong and NVA sanctuaries in Cambodia and Laos — it is unable to eliminate Taliban sanctuaries in northern Pakistan.
“If the U.S. builds up its forces in Afghanistan,” Nguyen said, “it will probably sink deeper into a quagmire.”
Thank you for your article. I have two things to mention to you in the article.
1./ You write:
"It should not have been hard to find Nguyen’s unit, which was stationed on a riverbank right next to a South Vietnamese Army (ARVN) camp. But the ARVN and NVA units — which were on opposite sides of the war — had a tacit agreement not to attack each other's home bases.
Both would venture out on operations against other units, then return to their camps and leave each other alone.
“One night some of our soldiers caught a lot of fish,” recalled Nguyen, who is now a retired army colonel and a respected military historian. “We started singing, and got a little noisy. So the Saigon soldiers tossed a grenade at a safe distance, at the edge of our camp, to remind us to keep it down.”
If senior commanders were made too aware of the NVA presence, and it worked up the chain to U.S. commanders, Nguyen explains, the ARVN troops would be obliged to attack them..."
I don't think the colonel, a historian, that you interviewed in the article told you a true story. Basically the above story never happened. He has a purpose to tell you so to destroy the reputation of the South Vietnam Army officers who couldn’t answer him in this article.
He tells you that he is a military historian, so it is very easy for him to specify the exact location, name of the South Vietnam Army unit stationed in that area. It means that on your article, the colonel would specify name of the battalion, regiment, and division of the South Vietnam Army stationed in that area. Why didn’t the historian specify all of those information?
He should have all those information in his hand because after the Vietnam War ended 1975, more than 300,000 South Vietnam Army officers and government officials were either executed or put in jails for 5 to 17 years by the North Vietnam government. 100% of the South Vietnam Army officers had to write down countless times what they did, where they were during the Vietnam War. All of the information were collected by the North Vietnam Army officers and public security units. So if you asked him a question, the colonel (a military historian) would give you exact the location and the unit of South Vietnam Army that he mentioned in this article. I want to remind you that many South Vietnam Army officers who used to station in that area you mention in the article are still living in the U.S. and I don’t think that they would agree with that colonel at all.
2./ However, the following story is correctly by all historic means: “These counterinsurgency reformers adopted a rough storyline to explain the U.S. failure in Vietnam. In Vietnam, they argued, the U.S. relied for too long on a “search and destroy” strategy, trying to seek out the main forces of the NVA and destroy them in battle. It ignored the problems of security and prosperity in the countryside, allowing the Viet Cong to increase its political and military hold on the villages of South Vietnam.
It was only in 1967, and increasingly after the Tet Offensive in 1968, that the U.S. turned to a strategy of pacification and counterinsurgency, known as “clear and hold.” When it did, it was successful, according to these counterinsurgency reformers. By 1971, the Viet Cong had almost entirely lost its hold on South Vietnam’s countryside. But the U.S. then retreated from Vietnam, and the ARVN was finally outmatched in a main-force struggle against the invading NVA in 1975.”
Mr. Nguyen's account is a pretty accurate picture of the way Vietnam was in the late 1960s and early 1970s. I was in the US Army stationed with a province advisory team in Binh Long Province from 1967 through 1969. I went back to Vietnam as a reporter from 1969 through 1973.
Everyone knew that the South Vietnamese, particularly in the Delta where Mr. Nguyen was based, had done deals with the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese to avoid any serious combat. Towards the end, US GIs made similar deals. The few US officers who insisted on going on aggressive patrols risked being fragged by their own men. In the end, I always believed that the Pentagon pulled out because it realized that it was losing control over its own men. The main weakness in the south was that Thieu, who was president, could only maintain loyalty through corrupt payoffs to his officers and governors. Greed is not a convincing reason to lay down your life. The Viet Cong, in contrast, were fighting for what they believed to be their country. They were often heroic, as were the GIs who fought them. But the war was pointless. Vietnam played no role in American strategic interests, and it was forgotten as soon as the US pulled out. The Soviet Navy occupied Cam Ranh Bay, the most important harbor in the south Pacific for nearly 20 years. No one noticed.
Afghanistan is different. I walked across the mountains to the Panshir Valley with Massoud's mujaheddin in 1982 when the Soviets still occupied the place. I felt sorry for the Russians in the valley below us. The high altitude and rugged terrain left them sitting ducks ready for slaughter.
What both Vietnam and Afghanistan share in common is the readiness of Americans on the spot to abandon core American values in favor of a quick victory. In Vietnam, the American command willingly dealt with corrupt officials, hoping that they eventually would be better than the communists. "He's a bastard," the phrase went,"but he's our bastard."
In Afghanistan, the US paid off war lords guilty of brutal crimes, in the hope that they would eventually establish some kind of order. It is a kind of "real politik" that never works.
The irony in Vietnam is that it was a war that we had to lose in order to win. Once we had gone, the Vietnamese were more than happy to see us come back. I did go back in the mid 1990s, and traveled the length of the country. The Vietnamese made it clear that they liked what America stands for, they simply did not want to be occupied by American troops.
To Mr. William Dowell
You write : “Everyone knew that.. had done deals with the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese to avoid any serious combat”
I think the word “Everyone” which should be only applied limitedly to your view. I would like to retell a story in which many Vietnamese people in the Delta knew best and that story would disagree with your view.
After the Vietnam War end in April 30, 1975, Viet Cong executed many thousands South Vietnamese soldiers in the Delta area to revenge.
For every commune (10,000-25,000 people) and district in the Delta area, Viet Congs and North communists would execute between 50-300 south Vietnamese soldiers or government officials who used to work for South Vietnam government.
The ratio of executions in the Delta area just was as same as those in the central provinces where the resistance to North Vietnamese Communists was also very high.
People in the Delta would know well the executions after April 1975 because Viet Cong and North Viet Nam Communists wouldn’t hesitate to ask them to come to the stadium and see what they would do to their enemies.
Viet Cong wanted to revenge because South Vietnamese soldiers and local government officials had caused them a lot of serious damage in combats during the Viet Nam War. Communists would have a long list of the people and they would wait a long time for their chance to revenge.
The mass execution would occur between May 1975 to September 1977. They would kill all commune chiefs and their assistants, all local police officers ranking from sergeant to captain, and many South Vietnamese army officers, elected officials of local government districts or even secretary who used to in the communes, districts, or provinces etc.
After the massive killings, Viet Congs and North Vietnam communists continued to beat the survivors nightly in prisons or starve them until death to revenge for the next fifteen to seventeen years.
Their revenges would end around 1990s when presidents Reagan and G.H.W. Bush “had done deals” to pay money and aid to Vietnam communists (agreements started since 1981) in exchange Vietnam communist government could release them to the U.S. The Humanitarian O during 1990-1998.
The story itself would be the best way to answer what you write.
2./ I also would like to recommend another article on the Wall Street Journal, A Time of War Was the Vietnam War 'unwinnable'?
by ARTHUR HERMAN.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123906068212395025.html
I've read an account of Rober McNamara's visit to Vietnam where he has been asked by a Vietnamese official if he ever read history. Because if he did he could have known that the Vietnamese people would've have never allowed themselves to be a cold war surrogate of the Chinese whom they've been fighting for a thousand years. The Vietnamese have been simply fighting for freedom from foreign occupation first by the French, then by Japanese, and finally by the Americans. No military tactic can ever defeat a people fighting for freedom even if it takes a thousand years. This is the lesson that the Americans should learn from Vietnam in its current war in Afghanistan. The Americans must simply convince the Afghan people that they're not there to occupy Afghanistan but just to rid it of Al Qaeda which is a threat to American freedom. So the Americans need not meddle with local Afghan economic, social, and political affairs. They can simply let the Afghan people be and just go after Al Qaeda with whatever force necessary to defeat them soundly and quickly. From what I read, Afghan villagers are not exactly fond of Al Qaeda but are compelled to deal with them only because the Americans don't have enough forces on the ground to keep them away from the villages.
May I remind readers that the situations in Vietnam and Afghanistan have only some similarity. In Afghanistan it is a nation with multiple different ethnic groups that may or may not be able to coexist, its last functioning government before Karzai was the inept Taleban, the Taleban really only draw support from one ethnic group (the Pashtun I believe), and that the Taleban only came to power through the dislike of the people for the warlords and their desire for order. In contrast Vietnam for all of its existence was populated almost completely by a single ethnic group (admittedly there others as well but the Vietnamese dwarf them by a vast amount), the North Vietnamese government had established a working bureaucracy which was likely considered more trustworthy than the Southern version, and the movement that would ultimately become the leaders of North Vietnam and the Vietcong had a truly national appeal. In my opinion, we should be very careful on how much we apply from the Vietnamese experience onto the Afghani experience.
Why can't the strategy deployed in Japan after WWII be effective in Afghanistan? A decision was made to use atomic bombs on two cities before the Japanese leadership got it? This spared the lives of thousands of americans who would have perished if a ground assault was required. I would consider using strategic tactical nuclear weapons to drive out the enemy. We should also use the threat of more serious use of nuclear weapons against countries that continue to provide direct support to terrorist. If we don't use our superiority in nuclear weaponry now, others (Pakistan/Iran) will develop the capability to attack/threaten the United States or other countries. I would use any weapon against the enemy that would save US military forces. How can you justify sending in troops to die when we held back using our full military resources. (Vietnam)
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