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White House spokesman Gibbs retracts reference to Ahmadinejad as "elected leader."
Iran’s deputy police chief, Ahmad Reza Radan, said that “in spite of vast propaganda by satellite channels and foreign media for a gathering in front of the parliament building, no illegal gathering was held there.”
Some of the protesters claimed that, rather than braving the tumultuous streets, Ahmadinejad had been delivered to the parliament in one of the helicopters hovering over the area. Later in the day, the hardliner-aligned Fars news agency denied the claim that — true or not — reflected poorly on a man elected on a populist platform but who is increasingly forced by circumstances to take security precautions and appear more aloof.
As he seeks to shore up his power, Ahmadinejad has already made colorful threats to go on the offensive. His government banned the reformist newspaper Voice of Justice last week and arrested two more journalists, swelling even more the numbers in the Islamic Republic’s jails, already the world’s largest prison for media workers. Close Mousavi aide Mirhamid Hasanzadeh was taken from his office Tuesday by order of a Revolutionary Court. Reza Nourbakhsh, the editor of the Farhikhtegan newspaper, was also arrested Tuesday evening. Their arrests are the first in a renewed sweep of opposition personalities since a trial of almost 100 reformists opened Saturday.
As if direct pressure were not enough, a simmering campaign of intimidation of the reformists in the media exploded Tuesday into a very public psychological war as a number of Ahmadinejad-aligned religious figures attacked the opposition heads. “The judiciary must take away [former president Mohammad] Khatami’s permission to leave the country,” said parliamentarian Javad Karimi Ghoddousi, demanding the implementation of what is a typical first step toward arresting a political prisoner in the Islamic Republic.
“His followers are in detention houses and, after having been imprisoned in what looks like a prison, their free spirits have confessed to the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic,” Ghoddousi continued in a reference to the recent confessions of Khatami supporters televised in the tranquil surroundings of what appears to be a garden inside Evin Prison. “Such a transformation (denying earlier positions that the presidential vote was rigged) is the result of sincerity and morality of the Islamic Republic.”
“The crackdown will continue over the next few months and will be extensive and ruthless,” said Houchang Hassan-Yari, a professor of military and strategic issues at the Royal Military College of Canada. “No one will be immune from repression including Mousavi, Karoubi, Khatami and Rafsanjani. The line is traced and camps chosen.”
In anticipation of fresh influxes of inmates once the crackdown gets under way, Iran’s police chief announced that the controversial Kahrizak detention facility was being reconstructed and would be reopened as a “standard” prison.
“The government will have significant challenges governing and making decisions,” said a Tehran-based political analyst who asked for anonymity due to the great sensitivity involved in speaking to the foreign media at a time when several Iranians stand accused of collaborating with the West in fomenting a Velvet Revolution. “Just imagine trying to get the cutting of subsidies through (parliament) in this atmosphere. The current state of paralysis will have an enormous impact on the management of the economy over the next six to nine months.”
With hundreds of reformists locked in prison and the regime’s security forces rampant in the streets of Tehran, the conservative press is stretching to new rhetorical extremes. Hardliners’ favorite Raja News predicted that “the coming months will be the time of the final battle between bureaucratic aristocracy and the nation."
“The result of this battle will change the future of Iran, the region and the world, and of course as our leader has said, 'the future belongs to the Hezbollah (the Party of God).' Which camp do you belong to?”