Connect to share and comment
The divided commemorations of a 1940 massacre underscore persistent divides between Russia and Poland.
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — On Saturday, a painful sense of deja vu enveloped Poland. News quickly spread of a terrible tragedy that had taken place in the forests near Smolensk in Russia, not far from the border with Belarus, where a plane crash killed Poland's president and 95 others.
In an ironic twist of fate, this group of dignitaries was traveling to commemorate those whose lives had been cut terribly short in that very region 70 years ago. The place they were headed — Katyn — had been one of the sites where some 22,000 Polish officers were killed by the Soviet NKVD, the precursor to the KGB. Stalin had sought to decapitate the Polish nation by eliminating these Polish prisoners of war, officers and reservists who in times of peace comprised Poland’s elites — the individuals most likely to oppose the imposition of communism on Poland.
Now members of a new generation of Poland’s best and brightest have met untimely deaths in a place that the former president of Poland, Aleksander Kwasniewski, has called “a cursed place.” In some cases, children or grandchildren of the dead officers perished in the same forests. Their compatriots who had fortunately taken the train to the commemorative site, where they awaited the arrival of the dignitaries on Saturday morning, immediately labeled the disaster “Katyn 2.”
Although most Poles have been united by a spontaneous outpouring of unalloyed grief at this national loss, uncanny echoes of past Polish tragedies have left some to formulate conspiracy theories. After all, the double decapitation of the cream of the Polish elites, in 1940 and 2010, took place both times in Poland’s neighbor to the east. And was not the fate of President Lech Kaczynski, a staunchly anti-Russian politician, similar to that of the head of the Polish government-in-exile, Wladyslaw Sikorski, who perished in a mysterious airplane crash near Gibraltar in 1943?
Sikorski was the first public figure to press the Soviets to explain the Katyn killings, which Stalin claimed had been the work of the Nazis. After all, the Soviets were ostensibly on the same side of the war as the Poles, despite their invasion of the country on Sept. 17, 1939. The lies about Katyn continued until 1990, when Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev admitted that the Polish POWs who inexplicably disappeared that fateful spring had been the victims of Soviet, and not Nazi, totalitarianism.
Just last week Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin met with his Polish counterpart, Donald Tusk, at the site of the monument to the victims in Katyn. This unprecedented meeting-cum-joint commemoration bespoke an improvement of relations between the two countries. Yet it did not deliver on two issues important for many Poles: Putin did not apologize for the killings — something desired by the majority of Poles, according to a recent survey. Nor did he agree to open classified Soviet documents on the massacre to Polish scholars and/or family members of the deceased. That meant the already elderly children of the officers killed in Katyn and elsewhere (for all the burial places have not been identified) would likely never learn precisely when and where their fathers had been killed, nor would scholars be able to investigate not only the details but also the actual motives behind the killings. A step in that direction, incidentally, might likewise help Russians come to grips with their own problematic past — with the totalitarianism that Putin himself blamed for the deaths of so many, Russians and Poles alike.